The language of human rights is under fire on the right and the left. While right-wing authoritarian leaders frame civil rights and anti-discrimination agendas as the exclusive concern of cosmopolitan elites, left-wing critics have argued that the human rights movement has ignored economic inequality and legitimised military interventions that further neoliberal ends.
It is well known that Marx and Engels never produced a comprehensive theory of law, rights, or the state. At least nothing on a par with the critique of mainstream political economy in Capital and elsewhere. That said, issues of law, rights, and the state were not completely neglected in their works.
Christopher Tomlins, Elizabeth J. Boalt Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley, has authored a new paper on Marxist histories and historiographies of law, past, present, and future.
This interview with Nicos Poulantzas first appeared posthumously in Rinascita (no. 39), the journal of the Italian Communist Party, on October 12, 1979, a mere nine days after his untimely death. Although no date for the interview is provided, it is likely one of his final statements.
This post focuses on constitutional theory as an appropriate site of concern for Marxist legal inquiry. I sketch some of the contradictions inherent in liberal constitutional theory, and also gesture at the distinctions that can be drawn between Marxist and liberal analysis of constitutionalism.
Gramsci's concept of hegemony can be understood as the ability to infuse the values of the dominant social group into the minds and everyday lives of subaltern groups in order to secure their spontaneous consent.
Human rights are "the doxa of our age". An idea, practice, and vocabulary which impacts every sphere of moral, philosophical, political, legal, and sociological enquiry. As such, we cannot ignore human rights.
In the field of critical international law, few figures who have attempted to transform the discipline's imaginative horizons have proven as influential as Martti Koskenniemi.
The ongoing general crisis of global capitalism has highlighted the work that needs to be done to uncover the role of law in the creation, management, and perpetuation of capitalism’s “constitutive crises”.
This post concerns the bourgeois state. Let me begin with a general point with regard to Marxist analysis, particularly the dialectical unity of theory and praxis.
In the aftermath of the 2016 presidential campaign and the dramatic defeat of an avowedly feminist Hillary Clinton to a demonstrably misogynistic Donald Trump, many have called into question the future of feminism.
In 1859 Marx stated that he intended to examine "the bourgeois economic system in this sequence: capital, landed property, wage-labour; the state, foreign trade, world market". But he was unable to write his analysis of the state.
Couching Trump as a "lawless" autocrat-in-the-making has become a matter of routine, something of a mantra repeated by "liberals" and "conservatives" alike. The trouble with this characterization is not that it is inaccurate, but rather that it is incomplete.
Law here, law there, law everywhere. The first nine months of the Trump administration have thrust questions about the force of law, legal strategy and tactics, and the role of judges in the United States' much-vaunted system of constitutional checks and balances to the fore of public attention.
Although Nicos Poulantzas is rightly regarded as one of the most innovative Marxist theoreticians of the state, most analyses tend to focus on his account of the relative autonomy of the capitalist state in the organization of the hegemonic bloc of the capitalist class.
Antonio Gramsci can be credited with having developed and elaborated in an original way the concept of hegemony to describe not control and domination exerted by coercive force but intellectual and moral leadership resulting in control that is anchored in consent.
The institutional forms of a capitalist state--its courts and prisons, its agencies or ministries, its regulatory apparatus and administrative procedures--are given articulation through law.
As critical international lawyers have long pointed out, the relationship between international law and capitalism tends to assume a fundamentally dialectical character.
For most of its history, the Marxist tradition as we know it has lacked a single unified theory of the state. In large part this state of affairs can be explained by the somewhat contradictory legacy left by Marxism's two main founding figures.
In one of the most easily Google-retrievable texts on the Marxist theory of the state (MTS), a 1999 essay written for an edited volume entitled Marxism and Social Science, Colin Hay, a former student of Bob Jessop, remarks that "Marxist state theorists--unlike, say, their feminist counterparts ... --have rarely been called upon to offer … justification for their theoretical endeavours".